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Rosa
Luxemburg: A Life Inspired
CWI
Online (2002)
ROSA
LUXEMBURG was born in Poland, 1871 - the year of the Paris Commune. In
her short lifetime she experienced three major revolutions and participated
in the most important debates amongst socialists internationally.
They did not then have a model of a successful socialist revolution, but
were trying to grapple with how workers would move into struggle and become
conscious of the need to change society. Rosa was a thinking and 'creative'
Marxist, ready to defend the ideas of Marx and Engels but prepared to
develop them when necessary.
Hers was an inspirational life, exuding passion and determination, She
was passionate in her love of life, about her beliefs and principles and
her desire to see an end to all exploitation and oppression. She showed
courage and determination, standing firm when in a minority or facing
repression, imprisonment, illness, even death.
Rosa became involved in revolutionary politics when she was still at school
in Poland. At the age of 18, state repression forced her into exile in
Zurich.
When Rosa moved to Germany in 1898 she had already established herself
amongst international socialists as a Marxist speaker and thinker. She
became active in the German Social Democratic Party (SPO), the largest
working-class party in the world. By 1912 it had amassed one million members,
15,000 full-time party workers, 90 daily newspapers, youth and women's
sections and 2.5 million affiliated trade unionists.
The party described itself as Marxist and revolutionary but had never
been tested in struggle. The end of the nineteenth century saw an economic
upswing allowing the German ruling class to buy a degree of industrial
peace through some economic and social improvements. But the repressive
regime restricted political activity.
Despite her youth and the internationally recognised political authority
of the German SPD leaders, Rosa would speak out if she disagreed with
their political orientation. Sometimes she confronted overt sexism from
an overwhelmingly male leadership unaccustomed to confident female revolutionary
leaders.
Her first real test came when Eduard Bernstein, an SPD leader, challenged
the basic ideas of Marxism. Capitalism, he argued, had overcome its basic
contradictions, Economic crises had been eliminated through credit, the
development of monopolies and 'globalisation', The SPD should no longer
stand for class struggle and revolutionary change but economic, social
and political reform within the existing system.
In her famous pamphlet Social reform or revolution Rosa Luxemburg argued
that capitalism may have experienced a prolonged economic upswing but
it hadn't solved its contradictions. Credit could only temporarily delay
a crisis and would also intensify it, Monopoly capitalism had not eradicated
competition which was sharpening between the imperialist countries resulting
in further conflict when war broke out in 1914.
Bernstein's theory of gradual reform of capitalism was utopian, she argued.
As capitalism moved into crisis the capitalist class would attack the
wages and conditions of workers. The fight for revolutionary change in
society was as relevant as ever.
How do working people become conscious that society needs to be transformed
and that they have the power to change it? For Rosa, reform and revolution
were inextricably linked.
By struggling for economic, social and democratic reforms on a daily basis,
workers become more confident, better organised and aware of the need
to fight for a fundamental transformation in the way society is structured.
Bernstein's arguments were defeated at three SPO congresses. But over
the next few years the gap between revolutionary theory and practice widened.
Day-to-day activities, especially standing in parliamentary elections,
became increasingly divorced from the struggle for revolutionary change.
Sections of the leadership were conservative arid bureaucratised, holding
back the movement of the working class.
Rosa, more than anyone else, recognised the dangers. She waged a constant
struggle against reformism within the SPD. When revolution broke out in
Russia in 1905 she grasped the opportunity to try and shake the leadership
out of its conservative complacency.
A new historical period was opening up. In The Mass Strike she describes
how Russian workers were striking in their thousands; how their strikes
became generalised and political giving confidence to less organised workers
to strike for their own economic demands.
She lambasted the SPD leaders who argued that mass strikes were purely
Russian and not relevant to Germany. The growing crisis of capitalism
would push the German working class into following their Russian brothers
and sisters, she argued.
Rosa emphasised the spontaneous nature of the strike movement. Some critics
have used this to argue that Rosa ignored the role that a revolutionary
socialist party plays, believing that spontaneous mass movements alone
would be sufficient to change society. This is a crude misrepresentation
of Rosa's thinking.
Her aim was to shake up the ossified German leadership who either thought
that mass strikes were irrelevant or could be organised at will by the
party regardless of economic social and political conditions.
She bent the stick towards spontaneity but also recognised the necessity
of a revolutionary party, which could unite together the most conscious
workers to give a lead in a revolutionary situation. In her words, the
party must not 'fold its arms" and wait for a spontaneous movement
of the people to 'fall from heaven" but instead "hurry on ahead
of the development of things and seek to accelerate it."
But in the concrete situation in Germany Rosa didn't draw the necessary
organisational conclusions. She was confident that when German workers
moved into struggle they would either push the SPD leaders into taking
a more revolutionary position, or replace them in the course of struggle.
Lenin was critical of this approach, as he was of Rosa's position on the
national question. In Russia he pursued a very different course, patiently
pulling together a core of revolutionary Marxists around a clearly defined
political programme. Politically and organisationally cohesive, the Bolsheviks
successfully gave leadership to the revolutionary movement in Russia,
1917.
Rosa's failure to organise a coherent political and organisational opposition
to the SPD leadership proved fatal both to the outcome of the German revolution
and to her own life. Individual political and personal courage were on
there own insufficient for the historical tasks at hand.
The bankruptcy of the SPD leadership was laid bare in 1914 when they backed
the war aims of the German capitalist class. Only a handful of revolutionaries
around Rosa Luxemburg initially opposed the imperialist war. Rosa herself
spent much of the war in prison.
In 1916 an attempt was made to strengthen organised revolutionary opposition
to the war through the formation of the Spartacus League. Though it attracted
some of the best youth and workers in Germany it remained a loose 'network'
rather than a cohesive political party.
When the German revolution finally erupted in November 1918, the Spartacus
League and its successor the German Communist Party (KPD) (formed in the
heat of the revolution) were too weak to lead the working class to successfully
overthrow capitalism as the Bolsheviks had in Russia 1917.
The state forces, with SPD leaders at their head, reasserted control and
crushed the revolution, brutally murdering Rosa Luxemburg, Karl Liebnecht
and many other heroic revolutionary workers.
As the revolution faced imminent defeat and she faced possible death,
Rosa confidently wrote: 'The revolution will come back and announce I
was, am, I shall be". Within five years of her death, she was proved
right as revolution broke in Germany 1923.
As socialists today we maintain Rosa's confidence that working-class people
will struggle to change society. But we combine that confidence with a
determination to learn from her mistakes and build a party, which can
ensure that next time the struggle, will be successful.
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