Part Eight

Retreating from a socialist outlook

The collapse of the Stalinist regimes was used by capitalism internationally to launch a huge political and economic offensive to discredit socialism and undermine the rights and living standards of the working class. They argue that in practice socialism has shown itself to be undemocratic and incapable of satisfying peoples’ needs. In contrast they argue that the market and capitalism has proved to be superior as shown by the unprecedented dominance of America, where they even claimed capitalism had overcome the boom/bust cycle itself. The mass media is mobilised and used in an unprecedented way to push this capitalist propaganda against the working class on a daily basis.

The collapse of Stalinism and this ideological offensive were important factors why the traditional political parties of the working class (such as Labour) went over completely to the side of capitalism in many countries. The leaders of these parties and many leaders in the unions became happy to parrot capitalism’s assertions and lies. Their neo-liberal arguments were brought into the unions to try to undermine the support for struggle, the class understanding of society and to diminish the working classes understanding of its own power.

The lack of a left/socialist alternative being advocated on a general basis over the last years facilitated the right wing offensive and the propaganda has had an impact. However the emergence of the anti capitalist movement and the opposition to the war on Iraq indicate a deep disquiet at how the capitalist system is run. In Ireland even though we have just experienced the biggest boom in the history of the state, there has not been the development of deep or long lasting support amongst the working class for the neo-liberal ideology of the capitalist establishment. This shows that peoples’ real experiences contradict the propaganda and place limitations on its impact. At the same time the numbers consciously arguing for socialist ideas is considerably reduced compared to twenty years ago. The lack of generalised struggle and mass movements also makes it more difficult for people to see the potential for the emergence of a working class based left or socialist alternative at this stage.

Marx once made the point that the dominant ideology in society is the ideology of the ruling class. That has clearly been the case over the last years and the heaviest pressure has been exerted on the parties or groups on the left. Unfortunately many on the revolutionary left have engaged in a fundamental revision of Marxist ideas, strategy and methods. Others have rejected Marxism and socialism altogether, as failed outlooks and programmes.

No organisation is immune from the pressures engendered by capitalism and the defections of Dermot Connolly and Joan Collins from the Socialist Party, is an indication of their adaptation to these pressures and a move away from Marxism. The same applies to the shift to the right by the Socialist Workers Party. An important part of this process has been their wrong assessment of the consciousness of the working class, which points ultimately to a pessimistic view of the objective situation.

Underestimating the working class leads to unnecessary concessions

Their confidence in socialist politics and in the working class was shaken and led to the view that such ideas are not understood or have diminished relevance to the working class at this point. Likewise they retreated from a militant approach to struggle on the basis that such an approach is not supported by the working class. That was essentially their position at the height of the bin tax battle in opposition to the attempts to escalate the disruption. Trying to find an easier path forward that would be more immediately acceptable to the working class reflects impatience or demoralisation but doesn’t reflect the actual needs of the working class movement. Socialists can be flexible with some demands and in the tactics they adopt but that flexibility must not be extended to important political positions, points of programme or methods of struggle.

To limit what you advocate to what you think the working class will accept, is an abdication by socialists of their responsibility to deal honestly with issues and to point a way forward to the working class. Their negative opinion of the working class’s attitude on struggle is like an echo of some of the "social partnership" arguments in the unions. Some union bureaucrats often bemoan that the working class wouldn’t fight in order to cover up their own incapacity or unwillingness to struggle.

Unfortunately now some in the revolutionary left are basing themselves on a wrong assessment of the potential for struggle. The implications of that are critical. That means not basing your positions or programme on the potential power that the working class has in society. Basing yourself on the power of the working class is essential for any activist or socialist who wants to change things, as the working class remains the only force that is capable of changing society. Not basing themselves on the power that has the capability to take on capitalism has already reduced the horizons of Dermot Connolly, Joan Collins and in particular the SWP, to restrict their demands and embrace limited forms of activity. No amount of political lobbying; of focusing on publicity to try to affect public opinion; of protests for the sake of protests; are substitutes for the organised action of working class people in the workplaces and the communities. Likewise legal challenges and using the courts is legitimate but will yield only limited results and again is not a substitute for mass action.

The increased importance placed by some socialists on standing in elections also reflects the same view and desire to find an easier arena of activity. The potential to tap into the political vacuum was first and most dramatically shown by the Socialist Party and Joe Higgins in Dublin West in 1996. Soon afterwards their strong desire to win positions and influence, led most on the revolutionary left to embrace elections like never before.

Standing in elections is an important tactic and the Socialist Party has used the positions it has won to good effect. We do not have any illusions in the power or influence of these positions in and of themselves. We are attempting to use them as a platform to assist the struggles of the working class and to build a base for our party and socialist ideas generally, but most importantly in the workplaces and amongst the youth. We want to use these positions to help develop our union and industrial work, as winning the organised working class and the youth to struggle and socialism is the key strategic task for socialists.

Unfortunately their desire to win positions and step into the political vacuum has led many socialists to overemphasise the importance of elections in comparison to other arenas of activity. As was shown the desire of the SWP, Dermot Connolly and Joan Collins to win as many votes and positions as possible in the local elections was more important than the actual struggle against the bin tax or advancing socialist policies. Electoralism weakens rather than strengthens the movement.

Most attempts to find easier paths or short cuts in politics usually turn out to be a cul-de-sac. Even if it is difficult to convince people of your political position, whether it be the need to struggle or the need for socialist policies, it is fundamentally mistaken to drop or compromise correct ideas because of the moods and attitudes that exist at a particular point in time. Regardless of the intent, if such compromising of ideas and programme isn’t corrected but becomes a trend, it amounts to unprincipled political opportunism.

The biggest victim of this development of political opportunism was the anti bin tax struggle. The approach advocated by the SWP, Dermot Connolly and Joan Collins, of appeals, lobbying and limited action, on the surface may have seemed to be easier for the working class. Its fundamental weakness was that it didn’t represent an approach that in any way countered the attacks of that the councils and government were unleashing on the campaign. As the battle developed, sticking to that approach left them suspended in mid air with nothing meaningful to say as the best working class activists past them by on their way to the fight. The easier path was shown to be irrelevant and the supposedly harder, more militant approach accurately matched the needs of the situation.

This shows the vital importance of socialists sticking to a revolutionary approach and methods. If an idea is correct and is rooted in the conditions that exist in a particular struggle or in society generally, inevitably the most far sighted and combative sections of the working class and youth will gravitate to those ideas and programmes, as representing the best way forward. The approach and tactics that the Socialist Party advocated in the bin tax battle corresponded to the actual situation better than that of the conservative elements in the campaign. If we and the other activists had adopted the same conservative approach, the struggle in the autumn of 2003 would have been decisively and ruthlessly smashed and would have become a purely negative episode in the movement. While we did not win the battle in the autumn of 2003, the way it was fought has helped to educate working class people and has put down a positive marker for future battles.

Objectively the key lesson from the battle was the need to oust the bureaucracy in the unions. They had the power to assist the struggle but decided to sabotage it instead. For the purposes of this review the key point to stress is that the most relevant and necessary tactics for that struggle flowed from a militant revolutionary understanding of society. A Marxist approach is not only relevant at a time of revolution. At any time, it represents the best basis for working class people to struggle and the ability of the Socialist Party to fight and conduct itself well in the class struggle is rooted in our understanding and application of Marxism.

The position of the SWP, Dermot Connolly and Joan Collins represents a retreat from a consistent class analysis of society and from the advocacy of class struggle and socialism. Just as they underestimated the working class with regard to the bin tax so they have underestimated the radicalisation that has taken place amongst important layers of workers and youth and the openness to socialist ideas. Instead of holding the political line and helping those sections of the working class and youth who are looking for an alternative to get organised on a proper political basis, they have succumbed to pressure and moved to the right.

Defending a socialist and Marxist outlook

The Socialist Party and our international the Committee for a Workers' International were able to analyse the collapse of Stalinism and the shift to the right in the tops of the labour and trade union movement. These developments were important and it would be wrong to understate their impact on the working class. However far from showing that the struggle to overthrow capitalism was over, these developments demonstrated the bankruptcy of social reformism and Stalinism as alternatives to capitalism. The genuine ideas of socialism and Marxism have been vindicated and stand now as the only real alternative to capitalist exploitation.

We also concluded that rather than entering a new golden phase, that structural imbalances and contradictions were emerging within the world capitalist economy. The neo-liberal attacks on the working class internationally over the last years were in part a response by capitalism to these problems. We understood that capitalist crisis and attacks on the working class and the poor would inevitably mean the idea that struggle was a thing of the past, would be refuted by events. We remain convinced of this perspective. The working class was knocked back significantly and we still experience the affects of the sell-out of the leaders of the labour and trade union movement. While we are in the early phases in the re-development of the working class movement, the potential power of the working class is intact. The political and economic attacks of capitalism combined with the lack of a base for social reformism means, re-enforces the importance of revolutionary methods and the role of revolutionaries in this period. Rather than revise Marxism, the events of the last years actually make the building of a socialist/Marxist force more important than ever.

Tasks for socialists today

The role of socialists and of the revolutionary left in the conditions that exist is to defend the ideas of revolutionary socialism and answer the attacks of the capitalists and their agents in the workers movement. Our task is to win the most politically aware and combative sections of the working class to the approach of class struggle and straight to the ideas of socialism, if at all possible. In turn by building up the numbers of activists and socialists and by intervening into the events, campaigns and movements that develop, it will be possible to influence the working class on a broader basis. The Socialist Party doesn’t in any way diminish the fact that it has been a complicated task to defend and argue for struggle and socialist policies over the last years. It has been a challenge to find the best ways of explaining and showing the relevance of struggle and a socialist approach. It is vital that challenge is embraced and that we fight for these ideas and principles without watering them down or changing their content.

There is an historic responsibility on the shoulders of socialists and the revolutionary left. The ideas we put forward, the way we argue for them, the way we organise on a day to day basis, are all very important as we are watched by many working class people. It is important that we take our programme and methods seriously and try to be politically meticulous, reviewing and correcting our positions and work when necessary. Putting forward correct ideas and suggesting the best programme for the movement, despite the complications that may exist, is a crucial contribution that socialists must make to rebuilding and re-arming the working class.

Re-arming the working class industrially and politically

The absence of generalised struggle has had a negative impact on the working class and the youth and has been a drag on the development of political consciousness. Preparing struggle in the workplaces and the need to re-develop fighting, democratic trade unions is the most crucial task over the next months and years for the working class. It is impossible to defend conditions or win concessions today without mobilising the power of the workers movement. When the control of the bureaucracy is challenged from below in response to the attacks of the government or big business, the situation and the potential for struggle in the workplaces could change dramatically. This in turn will impact on activity in the communities and amongst the youth on a host of economic, political and social issues. The beginnings of serious mobilisations against the conditions that the system is trying to impose will create a broader and deeper understanding of the need for the working class to get politically organised.

Socialists have a responsibility to intervene to effect the radicalisation that is taking place and to draw a link between the day-to-day problems that people face and the capitalist organisation of society. We need to outline the need to defeat capitalism itself and advocate that only genuine socialism represents a way forward for society and that the material basis exists for socialism in Ireland and internationally. It is essential that we help the working class and youth to build a movement powerful enough to turn these ideas into a reality.

As already mentioned the Socialist Party recognises the difficulties that have existed over the last years in rebuilding the working class movement and that those difficulties have not yet been fully overcome. However we are optimistic that the attitude of workers and youth will be to struggle and that they will get active in the unions, the communities and the schools and colleges. Socialists and those on the revolutionary left will have a crucial role to play in the years ahead. In our opinion it is extremely unfortunate that instead of assisting the struggle to re-develop the movement, the political approach and actions of a section of the revolutionary left over the last while if continued will stunt the movement.

How to build a new mass workers party and the role it could play

An important aspect of the rebuilding of the movement will be the development of parties to represent and organise the working class. The Socialist Party’s role and attitude to building a new mass workers party has been challenged by Dermot Connolly and the SWP. We would like to clarify our position particularly for those activists who desire the establishment of such a party. Dermot Connolly has accused our party of being theoretically sloppy on this issue when he implies in his article that the Socialist Party says there is no basis to the idea of a new mass workers party!

He also says the Socialist Party is hostile to any initiative in the direction of a new party because of our opposition to the SWP and our determination not to give them "a leg up". It is possible given that we have been accused of attempting to grab control of the anti bin tax movement for ourselves, that some people may wrongly think the Socialist Party believes it has a vested interest to block a new mass party from developing because we want to become the new mass party for the working class.

While Dermot recognises that the conditions don’t exist for immediate creation of a new party, Richard Boyd Barrett of the SWP argued recently "A new political alliance of the left that can challenge seriously across the country is a task that must not be put off any longer. If we fail to achieve this soon an historic opportunity will be missed." Both Dermot and the SWP are arguing for some initiative to be taken soon, which can start the ball rolling and potentially be the embryo of some future formation. It is not clear whether the SWP actually support the establishment of a new party of the working class. What is indicated is that they favour some form of alliance that they can intervene into and use.

Both would also claim that the Socialist Party is underestimating the mood and attitudes amongst the working class for a new party. When it really mattered in the bin tax battle, the SWP and Dermot Connolly showed that fundamentally they underestimate the working class, its consciousness and attitude to struggle. The SWP’s overstatement of the potential to build a new alliance or mass movement now, is for the same reasons they overstated the impact of political pressure and the local elections i.e. they believe and hope that they themselves would benefit significantly from such a development. Accurate analysis is relegated behind subjective desires. The idea that there is a limited window of opportunity that must be seized now if an historic opportunity is not to be squandered, demonstrates that the SWP have no real understanding of the stage the movement is at or the way new formations will develop. Either they are trying to frighten activists to act prematurely or they have a very negative assessment of what will happen in the years ahead or both.

Why the Socialist Party is in favour of building a new mass working class party

The records show, more than any other group in Ireland, that the Socialist Party has favoured the establishment of a new mass party of the working class. We have explained and demonstrated the basis for such a party many times. Further, we not only believe that there is a basis to the idea for such a party, we are convinced that a party or movement will be established and that it could play a very important role as a vehicle to help politicise the mass of the working class and youth. The establishment of such a party would be a crucial focal point and assistance to that process. When the right conditions emerge, the Socialist Party will be in the forefront of the drive to establish and build such a party. We believe it should include a structure that guarantees the democratic right of groups and platforms to exist and organise.

We are at the early stages of a recovery in the working class movement and the basis for the successful launch of a new party doesn’t exist at the present time. In the past such parties developed in periods of intense activity, mass struggle, a shift to the left in the trade union movement and a profound radicalisation in society. Timing is a crucial thing in politics. The Socialist Party is in opposed to taking premature initiatives towards the establishment of a new workers formation because false starts can set the movement back and conditions have not yet propelled significant sections workers or youth to get politically organised yet. Therefore any initiative now would essentially just be an alliance of the existing left groups and that would not constitute a step forward in our opinion.

The fact that the list of anti bin tax candidates last June was in general made up of people or parties who have been around for some time indicates that even with such an important struggle, there has not been a decisive move towards getting politically organised. While we have already dealt with the nature and limited scope of the gains that were achieved in the local elections, in our view those results also show that the basis for the launching of a new party or for serious preparatory work towards such a party isn’t there at present.

The idea that there are large numbers of people out there just waiting for the signal to join a new party is a wrong assessment and doesn’t take account of the actual situation at the moment. Undoubtedly many people respond warmly when the established parties are exposed and even agree with the need for a new party when it is raised. However that is not the same as a resolution and confidence on behalf of the working class to get active to make such a party a reality. The decline in the activity levels on the anti war and anti bin tax issues at this point is also a sign that people aren’t focused on getting politically active right now.

The process towards the establishment of a new party has been protracted and that is understandably frustrating for anyone who wants to see such a party develop, but no amount of wishful thinking will bring it into existence. However at a certain stage the ingredients for a new party will emerge. Important sections of the working class have turned away from the established parties and have no strong enthusiasm or affiliation to any of the parties. While some will continue to vote for Labour and Sinn Fein for a period, neither is capable of filling the vacuum of the left. Developments in the unions are likely to be very important. In the right conditions with the re-development of serious struggles and the confidence amongst the youth and the working class, a new party could be launched and grow quickly into a force of tens of thousands. Raising the prospects for such a party and advocating its establishment will become increasingly important as time passes and will help give people a perspective for how the struggle and a mass socialist movement can be developed in the years ahead.

In order for a party to become rooted and really viable it needs a significant section of youth as well as the fresher and most combative sections of the working class. Their active involvement will be essential in order for such a party to maintain a good political position and party democracy. There are now many international examples of premature attempts to launch new formations or parties, which have resulted in minimal participation and consequently the formation has not taken off. Without the active participation of significant sections of the class, such initiatives have tended to move to the right and some have become a complication to the real launching of a new working class party.

In the south the Socialist Party is not in favour of being part of a premature initiative. It would not have the input of significant sections of the working class from around the country. That coupled with the opportunistic role that some on the left have played in the bin tax struggle and their shift to the right politically, would place a serious question over the character of such an initiative. The situation in Britain shows the dangers of what can happen. The SWP dominated Socialist Alliance in Britain was both premature and undemocratic. It was then ditched in favour of the RESPECT coalition which is again dominated by the SWP. Respect is also premature, undemocratic, non-socialist and electoralist, hardly what the working class needs!

The Socialist Party will continue to outline the need for a new mass workers party and the important role it could play in Irish society. We welcome any serious movement towards the development of a genuine left wing structure in the unions, workplaces or communities.

While we fully appreciate the significance and vital role that a new mass workers party could play, we also have to be sober and operate off our experience in the movement here and internationally. It is impossible to say exactly what will happen but given the period we are living in means that any new party will be different than the old workers parties who had a stable base and existed for many decades. It is impossible to say how deep or strong the roots it sinks in society will be nor how long it will exist or what it could evolve into. It will be a testing ground for the different ideas and programmes that develop in response to the crisis in capitalism. While the Socialist Party will argue in favour of socialism, it is possible that initially a new party may not adopt an explicitly socialist programme. However even if the party did formally adopt a socialist position, its broad character would mean that a reformist programme would be dominant amongst its leadership. In the context of the attacks of a capitalist system in crisis the ranks of such a party will seek a more radical alternative.

A new party will play a very important role in the politicisation of the mass of people but because of its politically broad character, it will not in our opinion be capable of leading a mass struggle to defeat capitalism and establish socialism. The ranks are likely to be faced at some point with a choice between reformism of the party or embrace the struggle to build a mass revolutionary movement. From the point of view of the Socialist Party, whether it be based on our experience in the bin tax struggle or projecting into the future, the need to build a revolutionary socialist party that is capable of defending the ideas of genuine socialism and has a base amongst the workers and youth remains absolutely essential.

Conclusion

Unity amongst the left is an important aspiration amongst the working class for the very practical reason that it can increase the power of the working class to take on the government and big business. Regardless of the differences that the Socialist Party has with individuals or other groups or parties, we will continue to work and co-operate on issues with anyone or any group who takes a principled, serious and honest approach to political activity. Despite attempts by some to portray our party as being sectarian, our record shows the opposite. In campaigns, in the unions and communities we work successfully with many individuals and groups. We took the initiative in establishing all the four anti bin tax campaigns in Dublin, as we have on many other issues.

The Socialist Party has never considered itself to be flawless; we, like everybody, make many mistakes. However with regard to the bin tax, the elections and candidate slates and the role of socialists in re-developing the workers movement, we believe we have taken a principled and correct stance. We genuinely hope the events of the last two years and the divisions that have emerged amongst some of those who could be described as the revolutionary left can be resolved. That would necessitate an honest and critical review of the events.

We don’t believe that the leadership of the SWP will hold any serious review of their political positions or conduct. We know however that some members of that party, who are genuine in trying to get to grips with developments, are seriously questioning the conservative swing away from advocating class struggle and socialism which has characterised that party in Ireland, Britain and internationally over recent years. That shift is linked to the false programme, perspectives and methods of work that have become ingrained in that party over the years. The path of retreat that the SWP is on this time seems of a more fundamental character than previous ones, with some in the SWP pointing towards the effective wind up of party activity and possibly the party itself. That would have a certain logic because if you don’t have a revolutionary programme you don’t need a revolutionary party to defend and fight for it. Based on experience going back many years we do not believe the SWP has a positive role in the re-development of the movement.

The Socialist Party has produced this document with a view to helping to record the important events that have dominated the left in the south of Ireland over the last years, in particular the bin tax, and to outline what we consider to be the key tasks for socialists at this time. This has inevitably led us to deal with the significant differences that have opened up with some ex members of our party and with the Socialist Workers Party. We believe the issues are very significant and relate directly to whether the working class movement in this country will be rebuilt on a proper or false basis. This material we believe is very relevant to socialists, anti bin tax activists and activists generally and will help draw out the very valuable lessons from one of the most significant struggles in Dublin in decades.

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