The Socialist (December 07) - Pakistan: Musharraf’s second coup

Brutal state force has been unleashed on protesters and opponents of the regime in Pakistan, as General Musharraf has in reality launched a second coup. He has suspended all fundamental rights and replaced the constitution with a “Provisional Constitutional Order”, cracking down on opposition forces and opponents within the state apparatus.

Constitutional guarantees of free speech, free movement and free association have been suspended. Rigorous censorship of the media has been imposed and opposition figures have been rounded up and arrested. Thousands have now been arrested, and every time a protest is organised, hundreds more are batoned, tear gassed and arrested in what is now a police state.

Musharraf’s pretext for this move is the need to strengthen the state to defeat the forces of militant right-wing political Islam. This is a very thin pretext, which is seen for what it is by the Pakistani masses – a desperate attempt to hang on to power at all costs.

This is the culmination of a process of increasing isolation for Musharraf over the past number of months. He had been looking to a deal with Benazir Bhutto of the Pakistan People’s Party (PPP) to shore him up in power. However, the anticipated transition from naked military government to a more covert military government has now been turned into its opposite, and the dictatorial nature of the regime is clear for all to see.

General Musharraf came to power in a military coup in 1999. At the time, he had the support of a section of the middle classes, who saw him as an alternative to the endemic corruption of the political establishment. Huge discontent existed and still exists with all the political parties, who have repeatedly enriched themselves through extensive corruption at the expense of the working class and poor. However, he has failed miserably to satisfy the needs of ordinary people and no illusions remain.

Despite talk of economic growth, ordinary people do not see it, with a quarter of the population living below the poverty line. Constant price hikes have brought misery to people, who can no longer afford to feed their children properly. At the same time, the military is estimated to control as much as one third of heavy manufacturing and up to 7 % of private assets. This “economic empire” run by retired and serving officers is worth up to $15 billion!

Also, despite promising to combat the rise of Islamic fundamentalism, terrorism and sectarianism, he has made the situation worse. His support for the so-called “war on terror” and repressive measures like the storming of the Red Mosque in July, which had been held by right-wing Islamic forces, have only served to further boost these right-wing forces. Thousands of al-Qaeda fighters are now present in Pakistan and Islamic fundamentalist forces have received up to 10% support in elections.

The state and army are split. On one side stands a pro-US, right-wing grouping, headed by Musharraf. On the other is an anti-US, nationalist and religious camp.

Moves against the judiciary

Musharraf feared that the Supreme Court would rule that his winning of the Presidency, while still in military uniform, was unconstitutional. To prevent this, and also in response to some steps taken by the courts against the excesses of the police and the bureaucracy, Musharraf launched an all out assault on the judiciary and the media. The Chief Justice and other Supreme Court judges were removed from their posts. Other judges were asked to take fresh oaths of office. When the majority refused to do so, they were dismissed. This was the opening of a battle between different sections of the establishment, with Musharraf trying to consolidate power in his and to the military’s hands and remove the relative independence of the judiciary.

Imperialism’s response

US and British imperialism have a long history of support for military dictatorships in Pakistan, which has been ruled by generals for 30 of the 60 years since independence. During the “Cold War”, Pakistan was seen as a strategically vital base in the West’s battle against the Soviet Union. Today, it is seen as strategically vital in the so-called “war on terror” and so, despite some perfunctory criticisms, the Bush regime continues to back Musharraf. Since 2001, the US has given Pakistan more than $10 billion in military aid.

This exposes the hypocrisy of Bush’s talk of bringing democracy to the Muslim world! However, a shift in policy is potentially underway due to US fear’s that an isolated and hated Musharraf can become a liability for US imperialism. This has resulted in increased confidence for Benazir Bhutto, who understands that US imperialism increasingly has no choice but to support her.

Musharraf had hoped that his repressive measures would be enough to defeat the opposition and increase his power. However, he has been met with stubborn resistance from different sectors of society. The media has defied Musharraf and many judges under house arrest have aggressively condemned his actions. The battle, which started within the establishment, has spilled onto the streets, mainly involving lawyers, political workers and students, as well as some trade unionists.

In response, Musharraf has increased his crackdown. Illegal demonstrations of thousands have been held, which have been brutally attacked by the police. So far these demonstrations have been predominantly middle class. This is largely due to the distrust amongst the working class for the main political parties, and the inaction of the trade union leaders. However, the working class and poor have no time for Musharraf’s regime, and recent events have increased their disgust and opposition to the dictatorship.

Role of Bhutto and the PPP

Up until the beginning of the crackdown Benazir Bhutto was engaged in political negotiations with the Musharraf regime. However since being placed under house arrest for the second time, she has called for Musharraf’s resignation and has hypcritically claimed that she could never serve in a government under him! Her rhetoric has become increasingly radical, as she strives to distance herself from her previous position.

The truth is that Bhutto has played a rotten role, looking for a backroom deal with Musharraf, which would have seen her becoming Prime Minister with Musharraf as President. In contrast to the radical populist PPP of the 1980s, the PPP today is a party that offers no real alternative to the policies of Musharraf. However, it is not ruled out that in the absence of any real alternative, Bhutto could win the support of large sections of the people and be brought to power.

Musharraf's grip on power weakening

The support of international imperialism, the divided nature of the opposition and the willingness of Bhutto to deal with him have been key factors in Musharraf maintaining power so far. However, he now appears increasingly isolated and faces real challenges in holding on to power. The active intervention of the middle classes and the largely passive opposition of the masses have forced Bhutto to distance herself from him, leaving Musharraf even more isolated.
Musharraf’s position is weakening. He has flip-flopped on the question of the date of general elections, reflecting the pressure he is under and now claims he will resign as head of the military within weeks. Earlier in the crisis, he had announced that elections would be suspended until February 2008, but he has now announced that they will take place in January 2008.

In bringing forward the date of the elections, Musharraf clearly wants to hold them under the conditions of emergency rule. He also wants to divert the attention of the opposition away from the movement on the streets and towards the election.

Musharraf will be very fortunate if he emerges from the crisis still in power. US imperialism may decide to support another force - either Bhutto, or a “more responsible” (from the point of view of the US) general, like the deputy chief of staff, Ashfaq Kiani. Sections of the military may decide to get rid of Musharraf. Or the working class and poor masses may grow in confidence and rid Pakistan of the Musharraf regime.

Even if he manages to cling on to power, it will only be at the price of even greater struggles and potentially a revolutionary movement against him at a later stage. Life has become unbearable for people under the free-market, and the talk of the masses in the tea shops, their homes and workplaces, is of the need for revolutionary struggle to end the tyranny and repression that dominates their lives. Everything points towards increased conflict between the working class and big business, the military and the political representatives of capitalism and imperialism, like Benazir Bhutto’s Pakistani People’s Party.

Because of this situation, the Socialist Party’s sister party in Pakistan, Socialist Movement Pakistan (SMP) has a key role to play in the building of a mass working class party. Such a party is needed to lead the struggle against feudalism and capitalism and for a socialist solution to the problems faced by the Pakistani working class and rural poor.

Eyewitness reports from members of Socialist Movement Pakistan, CWI in Pakistan:

Lahore: Minutes after the imposition of emergency rule in Pakistan on 3 November by the Chief of Army Staff General Pervez Musharraf, law enforcement agencies launched a major crackdown across the country including Lahore. On 4 November, Lahore police raided the homes of many activists including lawyers, politicians and representatives of civil society, arresting over 800 people. The police had clear-cut instructions not to tolerate any act against the emergency and to arrest everybody who could potentially raise their voice against this act.

5 November was an even worse day in Lahore. Police brutally targeted lawyers protesting against the imposition of the emergency. Around 3,000 lawyers gathered in Lahore High Court and tried to stage a protest rally on the Mall, but were stopped by a heavy contingent of police. The police used tear gas and baton charged them, and many of the lawyers were seriously injured. More then 1,000 lawyers were arrested.

This brutality failed to stop the protests and demonstrations in Lahore. Every day, police viciously beat and humiliated protesters, but still people came out to defy emergency rule. These demonstrations are small, but the numbers of protests and demonstrations are increasing in the different parts of the city. The people of Pakistan are experiencing this sort of brutality and humiliation two decades after the last crackdown.

Students and political workers have also joined the protests. Journalists have also started daily demonstrations. The police have adopted a strategy of silencing and crushing every raised voice against the present regime. The regime has adopted a clear class policy as they are sending ordinary political workers to notorious prisons, but the main political leadership belonging to the ruling class has been put under house arrest to keep them in comfort. At the moment, the overwhelming majority of protesting students, human rights activists and political workers are from the middle class. The working class has not really come out to take part in these demonstrations and protests in Lahore. The reason is that the working class and poor people are still not ready to trust the existing political leadership and parties.

Islamabad: Protests are taking place in Islamabad despite the arrests and crackdown against lawyers and political activists. Students have also organised two protest rallies in which hundreds of ordinary people took part alongside the students. The biggest show so far was organised by the Pakistan Peoples’ Party (PPP) on 9 November. The PPP tried to organise a public meeting in Rawalpindi to protest against the imposition of the emergency. But the administration refused to give permission for this public meeting and started a crackdown against PPP activists. More then 2,500 party workers were taken into custody.

Karachi: In Karachi the administration has adopted a policy of blocking any protest before it starts. Hundreds of lawyers, trade union activists and political workers have been arrested. The police are also not allowing any demonstration or protest to take place around the Karachi Press Club and Regal Square, the main rallying point for the demonstrators. Arrests are continuing as protests increase. Eighteen lawyers have been charged with treason and sedition. The courts are not accepting bail for arrested lawyers, political workers and trade union activists. The size of demonstrations and protests is small because of state brutality and fear.

Peshawar: Hundreds have been arrested and brutally tortured. Almost all the main leaders of the lawyers’ community and political parties have been arrested and sent to notorious prisons in the province to further torture and humiliate them. All this brutality and the continuous crackdown has failed to stop the protests and the courts are not working properly. The protests are gaining momentum in Peshawar and other cities of North West Frontier Province.

Multan: More then 300 lawyers and political workers have been rounded up in south Punjab. The security forces tortured and beat lawyers and political activists with clubs and punches. The police also dragged protesters onto the roads and beat them. All the opposition parties are organising daily protests in solidarity with the lawyers. Lawyers, political workers, NGO activists, journalists and students have formed an action committee to mobilise the masses.

Interior Sindh: On Saturday 10 November, the whole of interior Sindh was shut down in protest against the imposition of the emergency. More then 2000 political workers, lawyers and trade union activists have been arrested in the last couple of days. As the PPP has come out onto the streets, the protests have become more intense. The protest movement in Sindh can develop into a mass movement.

Role of SMP

The Socialist Movement Pakistan (SMP) is actively involved in the protests and demonstrations across the country. SMP members are not only taking part in the protests, but they are also trying to mobilise the trade unions and workers organisations in the protests. SMP is also putting forward its demands through its material (paper and leaflets).

The SMP is preparing itself for bigger protests and demonstrations in the coming days. Many SMP workers have been injured in these protests as a result of police brutality. The regime took on the media and judiciary because it was confident that people would not come onto the streets to protest against its actions. But the regime underestimates the anger that exists amongst the working masses. These latest actions of the Musharraf regime will provoke the masses, and once their anger explodes into decisive action, the regime will collapse like a house of cards.

The Socialist Movement Pakistan demands:

- An end to martial law and military government; for new elections to a constituent assembly.

- Stop repression and arrests; release all detained lawyers, political leaders and protesters.

- No negotiations with the regime; no confidence in any imperialist dictated deal.

- Remove the ban on political activities and guarantee trade union rights.

- Trade unions and workers’ associations to prepare mass political action to defy the regime, up to and including general strike action.

- An immediate reduction in the price of food and essential commodities of at least 50%.

- Stop the killing of innocent people at the behest of US Imperialism in the name of a “war on terror”.

- No to right-wing political Islam, terrorism and sectarian atrocities.

- All-out struggle for a democratic, representative workers’ and peasants’ government. Socialist planning and policies to end the crisis and turmoil.