History: 11th September 1973 - Coup in Chile

By Chris Loughlin

11 SEPTEMBER is an historic date, not just because of events in the US two years ago, but also because on that day 30 years ago a bloody CIA-backed coup was instigated against the democratically elected government of Chile. Chris Loughlin looks back at events leading up to the coup.

The armed forces led by Augusto Pinochet deposed the democratically elected government of the Unidad Popular (UP). The President of Chile, Salvador Allende of the UP shot himself rather than be taken prisoner and tortured by Pinochet's forces.

The figures of the "disppeared" still vary today, but from 1973-76 the security forces detained at least 140,000 people and 10,000 to 30,000 socialists, communists and leftwing activists were murdered and systematically tortured. All this so that profit, capital and big business could survive in Chile.

The scene had looked very much brighter for Allende and the entire people of Chile on 4 September 1970. On that day the first avowed "Marxist" in history had been elected President of a country that was the second biggest recipient of US military aid. Allende got 36.3% of the vote in comparison to the 34.9% for the right wing and 27.8% for the populists, the Christian Democrats.

The capitalists and landlords of Chile had been completely shocked by Allende's triumph. Allende was at the head of a six party coalition of left wing parties, the Unidad Popular (UP), with the decisive numerical and political weight for the coalition coming from the Socialist Party of Chile (Allende was a member of them) and the Communist Party of Chile.

The election of Allende and the UP to power in the Congress unleashed a powerful revolutionary process, which many times threatened to completely eradicate capitalism from Chile. However, the wrong programme held by the UP made sure that again and again Allende would try to placate the ruling class. The leaders of the SP and CP of Chile reiterating their confidence in the "constitutional loyalty" of the armed forces.

However, as it was, Allende's government held a majority in only the lower house of Chile's Parliament. A historical compromise was signed with the Christian Democrats so, the UP could set-up a government. Instead of appealing to the working people of Chile to support the UP, the UP came to a compromise that tied them to the servants of imperialism.

The Allende government did carry out important measures of nationalisation, which gained huge support in Chile and around the world. The coal, copper, iron and nitrate mines, the textile industry and others were nationalised. For the first time in Chile's history, here was a government that was acing on behalf of the most downtrodden and poor in society. At the same time this also pushed the revolutionary process further as working people and peasants became more confident the government was with them.

By the end of 1971, the UP's vote had gone up to 50% of the vote in council elections. There had also been 2,000 illegal land seizures, where peasants took over and ran the land that had been owned by the rich.
This was a movement from below. The UP government would not arm or support the aspirations of the poor peasants. It did not give support or arms to any occupations of land or factories.

Allende did introduce popular reforms. His government did bring in free milk for schools, wage and pension increases, a rent freeze and a major education programme. However these progressive measures were not part of a wider plan of production with the nationalised industries.

Economic sabotage by the capitalists and the West was now producing big distortions in the economy. One small example of this is the fact that while the Pinochet regime was later given millions of dollars in loans by the USA, World Bank and other western countries the same kind of economic aid was definitively cut off from Chile when Allende was President.

The counter-revolution took its first serious offensive at the end of 1972. A national business strike was followed by a truckers' stoppage.

The UP replied with a counter demonstration on the second anniversary of the Allende election victory. On the demonstrations people called for "Popular Power", this term took on real meaning as workers began occupying factories on a large scale, people's supply committees were being set-up to feed the poor as well. Los Cordones Industriales (elected workers co-ordinating committees) were set-up in many places around the country.

The situation was increasingly one of dual power, either the capitalist state machine is abolished and the rival workers' state can take over or the capitalist state will predominate and workers' power smashed. A period of dual power cannot last indefinitely.

Instead of going further and carrying out the complete socialist transformation of society the Allende government began to bow to the pressure of the counter-revolution. He sent the police against struggles of the peasants and workers.

In January 1973, Allende passed a bill that gave 123 factories that had been occupied and nationalised back to their former owners. Instead of supporting and pushing the revolutionary workers forward, the UP felt it more important to placate the capitalist state. At this stage, if a revolutionary party had existed to establish genuine workers' democrac, as a step towards socialism, using the Cordones Industriales and other organisations of the working class and peasantry, there is no doubt Chile would have become socialist.

What is most tragic about Allende's rule is that the working class taking power was posed not once or twice but countless times. The people of Chile were crying out for Allende and the UP to give leadership but none was forthcoming.

At the end of 1972, Allende had taken three generals into his cabinet. One of these generals was Augusto Pinochet; Allende was now in government with ardent opponents of the revolution.

Throughout the UP's time in government there were rumours of a coup, but it was only in 1973 that this really began to take flesh. An aborted coup was attempted in June after the vote for the UP and Allende went up again. Across the country however, workers and peasants demonstrated, defeating the coup attempt and demanding arms from Allende so that they could defend the government.

The dual and dialectical process of revolution and counter-revolution was being played out in front of people's eyes. Six days before 11 September 1973, over 100,000 workers marched past Allende's Presidential palace, saluting Allende and demanding arms.

The September coup was planned and assisted by the CIA and other sections of the US armed forces. US naval vessels sat off the coast watching as the events they had orchestrated unfolded.

On the day, Augusto Pinochet used only a small number of the armed forces because of the social ferment among the army. But, with CIA backing the coup succeeded and he managed to murder thousands of dedicated revolutionary activists.

The mistakes from Chile can be summed up simply: it is not possible to carry through half a revolution. To be successful the capitalist state machine has to be abolished and a clear revolutionary programme and strategy that links socialism and everyday struggles is needed.

The coup also showed the true face of US imperialism. They condemned - with justification - the lack of democracy in Saddam Hussein's Iraq. But when democracy produced a result they did not like in Chile in 1973 they helped install a military dictatorship every bit as bloody as that of Saddam.

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